The previous post, about the disgraceful attack on Plaid Cymru’s Ceredigion candidate Mike Parker by the Cambrian News was, fundamentally, about unsavoury people moving to rural Wales to escape England’s multi-racial towns and cities.
Some fourteen years ago, in a magazine article, Parker did no more than put in writing what everybody already knew – rural Wales has become the destination of choice for many white flighters who, once they have no ‘darkies’ to hyperventilate them, turn their anglocentric focus onto us Welsh. Though of course their contempt is often dressed up as opposition to ‘nationalism’ . . . an argument undermined by white flighters attacking any expression of Welsh identity as ‘nationalism’. Those being discussed here tend to be middle class, and will usually have bought a property in Wales.
There is of course another kind of influx, one I myself have dealt with more than once. I’m talking now of criminals and undesirables of all kinds, moved to Wales by some agency or charity, and as those in this group can rarely afford to buy a house, or are under some kind of ‘supervision’, they tend to find accommodation with only-in-it-for-the-money housing associations and irresponsible private landlords. This is very lucrative because extra payments await those open-hearted enough to take in ‘vulnerable’ people (i.e. those given to criminal activity) who are being
dumped a long way away given a fresh start. A number of such specimens were brought to the attention of a wider public in my posting Neighbours From Hell of June 2013.
But you mustn’t imagine that there are just two, discrete groupings, because there are all sorts of overlaps, giving us, for example, middle class criminals, working class racists, and those who manage to endear themselves to the host community by being both racist and criminal. It’s right to make this clear because those I shall be writing about from now on are most definitely racist and criminal.
My attention was drawn to this category by a comment made by ‘Brychan’ to my previous post. In the comment Brychan reminded me of the murder in October 2011 of Gabor Sarkozy, a Hungarian national working as a takeaway delivery driver on the north coast. Sarkozy was kicked to death by James Siree (alternatively Si’Ree), 22, and his uncle Gary Bland, 42. It was the callous and brutal murder of a hard-working family man by two drunken thugs. When I read the reports of the trial, and once I saw that they lived in Rhyl – that favourite dumping ground for England’s undesirables – I wondered about their backgrounds, though I must have been busy with other things because I didn’t do any checks at the time. ‘Brychan’ did, and I’m thankful to him for putting me on the trail of these scumbags.
Siree is the son of Ian Si’Ree, and lived with his father on Vale Road in Rhyl. When police investigating the murder searched the Si’Ree home they found images on the father’s computer that clearly suggested an interest in under-age girls. He was prosecuted and the case came to court but he escaped quite lightly because, according to Judge Niclas Parry, he had “no convictions for anything similar”. Si’Ree may have had no convictions for that type of offence there had certainly been accusations, as this 2001 report from the Bradford Telegraph & Argus makes clear. This report from the same source, a month later, tells us that Si’Ree has upped sticks from Bradford, but does not tell us where he’s gone.
So we have Si’Ree Snr, the paedophile, Siree Jnr and his uncle the murderers, and then, to give us the expected hat-trick, we learn that the family are also fascists, with Ian Si’Ree actually standing for the BNP at council level (in 2008), Westminster level (2010), and for the Welsh Assembly (2011). Though if this is his Facebook page then he now calls himself Ian John. If I’m wrong, then there is an Ian John living in Rhyl who went to school in Bradford and has photos of James Siree on his Facebook page.
What is the system at work here, a system that brings scumbags like the Sirees and Bland to Wales, a system now so obvious that there can be no point it denying its existence? Who is in control of this system, how does it operate, and who in Wales is facilitating it? For the answers to these questions I am indebted, again, to ‘Brychan’, this time for directing me to the Ministry of Justice and its various departments dealing with offenders. You can read what he told me (copied from an e-mail) here.
We have a system that seeks to remove offenders, or persons under investigation, from the immediate area of the alleged offence, and also to resettle those leaving prison. Such requirements would not cause Wales undue problems were it not for the fact that, as ‘Brychan’ puts it, “A housing authority in England can say ‘no thanks we’re full’, even to Her Majesty’s Courts and Tribunal Service, but in Wales the housing legislation gives priority to offenders”. The fact that this loophole has not been closed tells me that this legislation was no oversight, it exists for the purpose it serves. Obviously some areas will suffer more than others.
Though we mustn’t pile all the blame for this problem on social housing providers, for private landlords also play a big role. In a town like Rhyl, that has outlived its raison d’être, decline results in many redundant buildings, making it inevitable that ‘investors’ will move in knowing they can maximise their investments by capitalising on the social residue of England’s cities. The same thing is happening in similar communities; I have reported previously on problems in Llanelli; it’s a big – but largely unreported – issue in Blaenau Ffestiniog at the moment; and it’s happening in the Valleys. In fact, any community in Wales with irresponsible housing associations or large numbers of cheap private dwellings for sale risks having offenders, problem families, deviants and misfits dumped on it.
So we understand the mechanics of this phenomenon, but that doesn’t explain why no one speaks out against it.
Why don’t the police complain about having a regular influx of criminals from outside their force areas, resulting in more work for forces we are constantly told are ‘over-stretched’? Probably two reasons; first, they can hardly complain against the government department that controls police forces in Englandandwales, and second, they probably get financially compensated.
Social housing providers don’t regard this system as an imposition because they get paid handsomely for taking in offenders and ‘difficult’ tenants, that they will persuade themselves are ‘victims’ of something or other – ‘the system’ a cruel world, global warming – and then wash their hands of the suffering and misery their tenants inflict on the wider community. Private landlords share the same attitude towards high-return offender-tenants. Media outlets and politicians in Wales turn a blind eye because to raise the issue risks allegations of being ‘racist’, or worse, ‘anti-English’. An incredible insight into social and political attitudes prevailing in Wales.
I say this because in other societies there are taboos against using the ‘N word’ and other offensive epithets, but here in Wales it’s the ‘E word’. Using the term ‘English’ runs the risk of attack from media and politicians. To the point where no one must be described as English in a negative context. If Charlie Smith, recently dumped in Barmouth, rapes his 80-year-old neighbour, or is caught selling drugs outside school gates, then Charlie is without nationality . . . but if he rescues a drowning pooch then Charlie will be restored to his Anglo-Saxon patrimony, a true son of Alfred and Harold.
Clearly, in answer to the question used as the title for this piece, Gabor Sarkozy was killed by James Siree and Gary Bland. But in the wider sense, Gabor Sarkozy was the victim of the system I’ve described. There are countless other victims, such as the old woman killed in Rhyl for £25 as she made a cup of tea for Wolverhampton murderer George Johnson, and the children raped in Carmarthenshire by the paedophile gang from London re-housed in Wales.
The terrible irony is that this system of exploiting Wales for the benefit of England has been made easier by devolution. In a pre-devolution system with the same law in England and Wales offenders and problem tenants would be spread around in the social housing system (though the problem of private landlords in Rhyl and elsewhere would remain), but different legislation in Wales – supposedly introduced for the benefit of Wales! – has made worse the problem described in this report.
We have a system of sham devolution making it possible for civil servants in Wales – answering to London – to introduce ‘Welsh’ legislation for the benefit of England. Which makes the current system of ‘devolution’ both indefensible and unsustainable. Either we revert to the pre-devolution system of the same laws for Wales and England or we move forward to give Wales real power, but this latter option can only work when we have politicians and civil servants dedicated to putting Welsh interests first. At present, we lack both.
There is no point in politicians continuing to posture and play silly games, going down to Cardiff docks and deluding themselves that they are doing anything useful when in fact the country is run by civil servants serving England’s interests, giving us a system of faux devolution that results in people being murdered, and children raped, a system over which these puffed-up buffoons have no control, and lack the balls to demand control.
Until there is far-reaching change in the relationship between Wales and England the system responsible for the killing of Gabor Sarkozy is guaranteed to claim many more victims.